Anthony J. Pennings, PhD

WRITINGS ON AI POLICY, DIGITAL ECONOMICS, ENERGY STRATEGIES, AND GLOBAL E-COMMERCE

The International Politics of Domain Name (DNS) Governance, Part 3: ICANN and AI

Posted on | September 22, 2025 | No Comments

As of September 2025, the international politics of the Domain Name System (DNS) have evolved into a high-stakes battle for control over the Internet’s foundational address book. The era of viewing the DNS as a purely technical utility is over. Today, it is a central arena where the competing interests of governments seeking control, corporations protecting valuable brands, and a lucrative domain registration market all collide.

In this post, I continue to examine DNS developments during the few short decades since the Internet was created, particularly primary debates over Internet governance, and even struggles over the balance of power in the digital world. I started the discussion with a post on the early development of the DNS system when it could be handled by one person, Jon Postel, during the early days of the ARPANET.

As Daniel W. Drezner pointed out in his All Politics Is Global: Explaining International Regulatory Regimes (2008), the Domain Name System (DNS) is a crucial technological resource that must be effectively managed worldwide. Drezner raised three concerns:

– Governments and corporations are acquiring the capability to control access to the Internet and specific services
– DNS management is essential for maintaining the trademarks of organizations such as samsung.com and tesla.com
– Registering Domain Names can generate a lot of money. Where does it go? [1]

A core conflict is the clash between two fundamentally different philosophies of Internet governance: multi-stakeholderism, the original model, championed by the US and its allies, where a consensus between technical experts, academics, corporations, and civil society governs the Internet. The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) embodies this model.

Digital sovereignty is the alternative model. This state-centric model, pushed by nations like China and Russia, argues that a country has the right to control the Internet, including the DNS, within its own borders, just as it controls physical territory.

The Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) emerged informally in the 1970s as a set of technical functions managed by Postel and others. It maintained control of the Internet’s core address book through a direct contract with the United States government. It wasn’t a formal organization but managed domain names, IP addresses, and protocol numbers that were crucial for the network to operate as a single, interoperable system. In the 1990s, the Clinton-Gore administration recognized the emerging problems and created ICANN, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, although overall management still remained with IANA.

In March 2014, the Obama administration asked ICANN to convene the Internet’s global multistakeholder community and come up with a new system for managing the Domain Name System (DNS), explicitly transitioning the oversight of specific key Internet functions away from the US government. This process gathered academics, civil society, governments, individual users, technical experts to come up with ideas to replace NTIA’s historic stewardship role.[2]

In 2016, the US government officially transitioned oversight of the Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) functions to ICANN. The transition was a landmark event that marked the end of the US government’s direct, formal oversight role over the DNS root zone. However, it did not create a fully privatized system, nor did it eliminate government influence. The reassignment simply transformed and globalized it.

Before 2016, the US Department of Commerce’s National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) held the contract for the IANA functions. This agreement meant the US government had the final, formal sign-off on any changes to the DNS root zone file, the authoritative master list of all top-level domains. While evidence of abuse was never established, its existence was a central point of political contention, giving the US a unique position of ultimate authority.

The 2016 transition let this contract expire. This change officially ended the US government’s unilateral oversight. The direct, “keys to the kingdom” role was replaced by a system where accountability flows to a global, multi-stakeholder community. The US moved from being the system’s overseer to being one of its most influential participants.

The transition did not create a “fully privatized” structure. The goal was not to sell the DNS to the private sector but to cement the multi-stakeholder model of governance and ward off authoritarian control. ICANN is a non-profit public-benefit corporation, not a for-profit company.

This model represents a unique global governance structure that allows different groups to have a voice in the decision-making process. This structure included the technical community, such as engineers and academics, who built the Internet’s infrastructure. Corporations (like Samsung here in Korea) that rely on the DNS for their brand and operations have important input. Civil society, including non-commercial users and public interest groups also participates. Lastly, nation-states with an interest in public policy and security participate. The system is designed so that no single entity, whether a company or a government, can capture or control the DNS.

While direct US control has diminished, government influence is still a powerful force within ICANN through the Governmental Advisory Committee (GAC). The GAC is the formal channel through which over 170 nations, including the US, China, Russia, and South Korea, provide advice to the ICANN Board on public policy matters.

The GAC’s advice is technically non-binding, as ICANN’s bylaws require the board to formally address and justify any decision that goes against it. In practice, the GAC holds significant sway, ensuring that government perspectives on issues like security, sovereignty, and law enforcement are deeply integrated into the DNS management process.

Therefore, the transition did not remove governments from the equation; it shifted the dynamic from unilateral US oversight to formalized, multilateral government influence within the broader multi-stakeholder community.

This overarching conflict is playing out across several key political battlegrounds. One is the rise of National DNS Firewalls and “Splinternets.” This development is the most direct manifestation of government control. Increasingly, nations are mandating that Internet Service Providers (ISPs) within their borders use state-managed DNS resolvers. These resolvers act as a national firewall, allowing the government to block access to specific domain names associated with foreign news outlets, opposition movements, or social media platforms.

China’s Great Firewall is a notable example, but Russia’s efforts to create a “sovereign internet” (RuNet) that can be functionally disconnected from the global DNS root represent the ultimate goal of this movement. This trend is creating a fragmented Internet, or “splinternet,” where a user’s access to information is determined by their geographic location, directly challenging the idea of a single, global network.

The Geopolitics of ICANN and Root Zone Management

At the highest level, the political struggle centers on who controls ICANN and the DNS root zone—the master list from which the entire global DNS hierarchy is derived. Although ICANN is now an international non-profit, its historical ties to the US government remain a significant point of contention.

Nations advocating for digital sovereignty are deeply uncomfortable with this US-centric arrangement. They consistently campaign to transfer the authority for Internet governance from ICANN to a United Nations body, such as the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). This move would shift power from the multi-stakeholder community to nation-states, giving governments a direct vote on how the Internet is run. This potential divide is a fundamental geopolitical fault line that defines nearly every international discussion about Internet governance.

The DNS is also a critical piece of commercial infrastructure. For a global corporation like Samsung in South Korea, the integrity and exclusive control of samsung.com are non-negotiable for its brand identity, security, and global e-commerce.

Corporations exert significant political influence within ICANN to create and enforce strong trademark protection policies. This is a constant battle, as they fight against cybersquatting and seek to control how their brand names are used in new Top-Level Domains (TLDs).

From .com to .xyz, the TLD market has been lucrative since the commercialization of the Internet in 1995. Assigning domains has been like printing money. The creation of new gTLDs, such as .app, .shop, or .news, has transformed domain names into a multi-billion-dollar industry. The political process within ICANN for approving and auctioning these new domains is intense, pitting powerful corporate consortia against each other as they vie for control over valuable digital real estate.

Challenges from Alternative DNS and AI

A growing counter-movement seeks to bypass this entire political structure. Decentralized DNS systems, such as the Ethereum Name Service (ENS), built on blockchain technology, and privacy-focused public resolvers like Quad9, offer an alternative to the traditional, centralized, hierarchical model. These systems are inherently more resistant to censorship by a single government or corporation. While still niche, they represent a significant technical and political challenge to the established order, promising a return to a more distributed and less easily controlled Internet.

AI is poised to fundamentally transform the DNS system by transitioning its management from a reactive, human-supervised process to a predictive and automated one. While this will bring significant technical benefits, it will also intensify the geopolitical tensions between the US and other nation-states by creating powerful new tools for both centralized control and decentralized resistance.

The core conflict over whether the DNS is governed by a US-centric, multi-stakeholder model (ICANN) or by sovereign nation-states will be amplified, with AI becoming a key weapon in this struggle. Operationally, AI will enhance the DNS, making it faster, more efficient, and vastly more secure. Instead of just reacting to DNS-based attacks like DDoS, an AI will analyze global traffic patterns to predict attacks before they happen. It can identify the anomalous buildup of a botnet and proactively block malicious queries or re-route traffic, neutralizing threats in real-time.

AI will automate the complex and sensitive process of managing the DNS root zone. It can validate requests for changes, check for errors, and implement updates with a speed and accuracy that surpasses human capability, reducing the risk of catastrophic configuration mistakes. AI-powered resolvers will be able to optimize DNS lookups based on real-time network conditions and user behavior, creating faster and more resilient connections.

These technical advancements will become powerful tools in the ongoing political battle over who controls the Internet’s core infrastructure. For nations like China and Russia, which advocate for state-centric control, AI is a potential game-changer. It allows them to build vastly more sophisticated national DNS firewalls.

An AI-powered system can move beyond simply blocking a list of domain names. It can analyze traffic patterns in real-time to identify and block the behavior associated with VPNs and other censorship-evasion tools, making state control more dynamic and difficult to circumvent.

This change gives these nations a powerful new argument. They can frame their sovereign DNS as a matter of superior national security and efficiency, managed by an AI tuned to their country’s specific needs. Conversely, the US and its allies will argue that only the current global, multi-stakeholder model can provide proper Internet security.

They will argue that only a global system has access to the diverse data needed to train an unbiased AI capable of defending the entire Internet. A national AI, they will claim, would be inherently blinkered and less secure.

This innovation transforms the debate at ICANN. The political tensions will shift from who has formal oversight of the root zone to questions like whose AI is managing the system? What are its hidden biases? Can the algorithms be audited for neutrality? The battle for control of the DNS will become a battle for control over the AI that runs it.

Summary and Conclusion

This post outlines changes in the Domain Name System (DNS) from a simple technical ledger into a central battleground for international politics. The core conflict lies between the US-led multi-stakeholder model of governance, embodied by ICANN, and the push for digital sovereignty by nations such as China and Russia, which seek state-centric control. The 2016 transition of IANA oversight from the US government to the global multi-stakeholder community did not end government influence, but rather formalized it on a multilateral basis.

This tension now plays out in several arenas: the rise of national DNS firewalls creating “splinternets,” geopolitical struggles over who controls ICANN, intense corporate lobbying for trademark protection, and the lucrative market for new domain names. Emerging technologies, such as decentralized DNS and AI, are poised to intensify this conflict further, offering powerful new tools for both state control and censorship evasion.

The emergence of multilateral DNS governance reveals that no amount of technical or organizational change can erase the fundamental political struggle for control. The 2016 transition was not the end of this tension, but merely the beginning of a new, more complex chapter. The introduction of AI will not solve the debate between multi-stakeholderism and digital state-centric sovereignty. AI will become the next powerful weapon in that fight.

Ultimately, the battle for the Internet’s future will not be about who holds the management contract, but about who writes the code and controls the intelligent algorithms that will soon manage the world’s most critical address book.

Notes

[1] Drezner, Daniel W. All Politics Is Global: Explaining International Regulatory Regimes. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton U, 2008. Print. Chapter on “Global Governance of the Internet.”
http://press.princeton.edu/titles/8422.html. Also see Drezner, D. (2004). The Global Governance of the Internet: Bringing the State Back In. Political Science Quarterly, 119(3), 477-498. doi:10.2307/20202392

[2] The change from IANA to ICANN resulted in the successful stewardship transition in 2016, transferring oversight of critical Internet functions from the US government to a global, decentralized, multistakeholder model. These changes reflected the Internet’s growth, the need for more inclusive governance, and ongoing efforts to address security, accessibility, and internationalization challenges. As the Internet continues to innovate, the management of DNS will likely adapt to meet new demands and challenges in the digital landscape.

Note: Chat GPT was used for parts of this post. Multiple prompts were used and parsed.

Citation APA (7th Edition)

Pennings, A.J. (2025, Sep 22) The International Politics of Domain Name (DNS) Governance, Part 3. apennings.com https://apennings.com/digital-geography/the-international-politics-of-domain-name-dns-governance-part-3/

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Not to be considered financial advice.



AnthonybwAnthony J. Pennings, PhD is a Professor at the Department of Technology and Society, State University of New York, Korea and a Research Professor for Stony Brook University. He teaches AI and broadband policy. From 2002-2012 he taught digital economics and information systems management at New York University. He also taught in the Digital Media MBA at St. Edwards University in Austin, Texas, where he lives when not in Korea.

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  • About Me

    Professor (full) at State University of New York (SUNY) Korea since 2016. Research Professor for Stony Brook University. Moved to Austin, Texas in August 2012 to join the Digital Media Management program at St. Edwards University. Spent the previous decade on the faculty at New York University teaching and researching information systems, digital economics, and global political economy

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